Last week’s nomination of Judge Merrick Garland to fill the Supreme Court vacancy left by the death of Justice Antonin Scalia sparked another round of speculation about whether or not the Republicans were on the verge of sobering up and becoming responsible leaders who will perform their duties as prescribed in the Constitution. President Obama has offered them a man of the highest integrity who by all accounts is extremely well-liked by members of both parties. And although he is seen as a member of the center left, he is known to be a moderate in judicial temperament and very respectful of precedent. Republicans could never have expected a more congenial choice from a Democratic president. And it doesn’t matter one little bit. Despite the wistful hopes of commentators and establishment Democrats everywhere, they will not confirm him.
This isn’t entirely surprising, of course. This is one of “their” seats, which they believe is ordained by their Creator to be a hardcore rightwing zealot. And it is true that appointing a moderate to the “Scalia seat” will change the balance on the court. That’s the sort of thing that tends to happen when presidents are elected from the same party all but eight years out of 24, which can legitimately be seen as a referendum on the two parties’ judicial philosophy. They’ve been lucky this didn’t happen sooner.
But lifetime appointments are always a dicey matter of timing, so we have normally held to the idea that whomever the people last elected as president is still fully endowed with the power of the office. This includes nominations to the Supreme Court, at least until he is officially a lame duck after the election in November. In practice it would not have been surprising for the Republicans to make a great show of deliberation in assessing the merits and qualifications of a president of the opposing party’s choice of a Supreme Court justice in an election year. No one would have been shocked if they had tried to game out a way to allow the seat to be a motivation for their voters in the hopes a new president more in line with their philosophy would have the privilege of making the nomination.
One might have expected them to slow-walk the process over the course of months, perhaps hold long and laborious hearings and then even allow one of their members to stage a filibuster over the vote. We could have hoped they would do all this while at least paying lip service to the longstanding processes of the Senate in order to preserve a belief that despite our differences over politics and policies, we still maintain a healthy respect for the rules and norms which allow us to function even at times of partisan polarization. But that’s a foolish hope. Those days have been gone for a very long time.
Back in 2006, Norman Ornstein and Thomas Mann wrote a book, called “The Broken Branch: How Congress Is Failing America,” about our dysfunctional government in an age of partisan polarization. They identified much of the problem at that time as being a result of the strong majority party leadership that began under Newt Gingrich and the breakdown of the system which featured a more diffuse power center under committee chairmen. They revisited the subject six years later with a sequel called “It’s Even Worse Than it Looks: How the American Constitutional System Collided With the New Politics of Extremism,” which specifically places the blame for our increasingly impaired democracy squarely on the Republican Party.
They call our current dilemma “asymmetric polarization” and describe the GOP of this era as “an insurgent outlier—ideologically extreme, contemptuous of the inherited and social and economic policy regime; scornful of compromise,unpersuaded by conventional understanding of facts, evidence, and science; and dismissive of the legitimacy of its political opposition.” They discussed the recent obstructionism and hostage-taking born of over-promising and a winner-take-all mentality. And they analyzed at great length the unwillingness of these extreme politicians to confirm President Obama’s nominees, which they correctly characterized as “blocking nominations even while acknowledging the competence and integrity of the nominees, to prevent the legitimate implementation of laws on the books.“