Stopping the bleed
Tom Sullivan
The sagacious Bill Scher presents New Republic readers with a puzzler for lefties dissatisfied that the Democratic Party's nominee for president is not populist enough:
This dynamic—denouncing Trump on one hand, but saving your most poignant criticism for Clinton—presents a potentially treacherous problem for the left. The Bernie Sanders campaign allowed progressive populists to make big inroads within the Democratic Party, demonstrating their influence by drafting much of the party platform. And with the Trump campaign copying some of Sanders’s positions and rhetoric, progressive populists can further make the case that their vision has the political resonance to expand the Democratic Party’s reach. But if Trump is more associated with populism than Clinton, and then loses decisively in November, populism could be tainted by Trumpism, weakening the left’s leverage over Clinton.Specifically, Trump's defeat could green-light a vote in the "lame duck" congress to pass the Trans-Pacific Partnership, populism having failed at the polls and all. That's not a message the left wants to reinforce.
It’s a paradox: Trump’s rise buoys the progressive populists today, yet his defeat could damage them tomorrow.
Remember, it was Sanders’s inability to build a robustly diverse coalition—not the DNC, not the media, not voting machines—that doomed his presidential insurgency. Eight years ago, Barack Obama took down the vaunted Clinton machine by building a coalition of white liberals, young voters, and African-Americans. Sanders missed a key piece of the progressive puzzle (though he was competitive with African-Americans under 30 years of age).Perhaps it is the anti-establishment component of populism that has caused the left-right "bleed" this election cycle. That blurring of lines has me worried for some of the same reasons Scher frets about the survival of populism as a political force if we don't play our cards right.
There are various theories why he struggled, one of which is that his insistence on prioritizing income inequality was, in Ta-Nehisi Coates’s words, a “class first” strategy that didn’t sufficiently emphasize systemic racism. Clinton exploited the opening, declaring just before her string of Deep South victories, which gave her a pledged delegate lead she never relinquished, that the economic populism agenda was “not enough. We also have to break through the barriers of bigotry.” The Sandernistas can’t remain stuck in the “class first” mindset. Touting Trump’s white working class appeal, instead of challenging his populist bona fides, is falling back into the trap.